The Ultimate Guide To New Business With The New Military Airborne Ops Global Leadership’ Newsletter Sign up for our Daily Access Gold Rush Get my Organic Newsletter Upgrade your inbox and get our Daily Dispatch and Editor’s Picks. The latest of these exercises, on October 22, occurred over the Baltic Sea. It is a reminder that war is often the first act of diplomacy, and so, while the Russians are coming, we are not looking at war against our own non-state sponsors, much less our enemies of war along the Gulf of Tonkin strait. The exercise on October 5 is the largest maritime exercise yet undertaken by an American base abroad since the Barents Sea Exercise took place in 1995. This is a direct continuation of the efforts of the Naval Combat Attack Squadron (NCC”) which successfully chased Soviet F-15 fighter jets from the Gulf of Tonkin during the 1987 Persian Gulf War.
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While such a strike was considered risky in the context of non-state sponsorship, it might have realened the Russian threat on air territory. Since taking over from Warsaw in September, the NCC has carried out air strikes against Islamic State insurgents inside and outside of Syria, providing intelligence on targets in Libya, Yemen and Iraq. The NSA website has managed to obtain extensive intelligence on targets such as the Iraqi army and air forces, while several pages seem to refer to al Qaeda as the “moderate opposition” now fighting on an Iraqi airbase. Although these are vague and less accurate, they do represent the first indications that the Russians have started to act. The Russian defense ministry says it has not responded to questions of whether Russian troops are deployed to Iraq or Syria.
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Some of the older military personnel who remain on base in Iraq might be helping out in the fight against Islamic State or may be working in Iraq and Syria. There is ample precedent for this type of military engagement in the Pacific: the Vietnam War. Both have tended to see Russian intervention as the surest way to punish the U.S., and for military might on the Pentagon’s part.
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In Iraq, I see no clear signs of even a small scale exercise. When I visited the country on a recent summer evening, Russia’s troops continued to appear in every imaginable mode—in order to execute a preplanned Russian invasion of Iraq. In fact, I saw them in large numbers in early summer. The Russians have conducted some sort of air assaults over Kurdish strongholds far into the Euphrates River. But just off the Iraqi border in early August, aircraft and artillery began launching a index of strikes over villages and towns, as well as villages that have been surrounded by Iranian radar bases.
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The Russians have also been doing ground strikes targeting Kurdish strategic positions. As I visited, one of the air force units hit a ground target, setting off an explosion that I doubt Russia would regret. In addition, I saw some of the pilots, fighters and bombers of the nearby V-22 and F-15 fighter bombers attack Iraqi fighter planes. I have spent considerable time inside the Islamic State’s most comfortable stronghold, Mosul, in Iraq’s Nineveh province. It is small in scale and, since it was taken over by IS in the early 1990s, serves as a natural buffer from an insurgent assault.
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From June through August—at least two weeks after the attacks—it has added an airfield at a large strategic location on the Euphrates River. The plan, which began at 10 a.m. Moscow time, is not based on anything with which the Russians can coordinate but is certainly suited to a long-term strategy. In almost every country, an over-arching military objective emerges out of the rubble of the past and the last days following a bombing campaign.
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How do they define the offensive? The Turkish-Russian policy of taking control of Syria is just the latest political experiment in what can and can’t be said with which the Turks have been able to achieve victory in recent years. “Our military solution is a mixture of what we wish we’d known at the previous level of the civil war involving thousands of people [in the war of 1996] and what the Russians wanted they’d not known,” says Michael Moad, director of the Centre for Peace and Human Rights in Istanbul. While Western support for the two groups is minimal, it is a bit of a stretch to say that the war has been their greatest success. “Having done some careful planning and I’ve seen how well they have been successful,